PrabhuChawla engagement report
@PrabhuChawla - 518K followers on X
Measured over 11 original posts from a 30-day window, last computed on August 27, 2026.
Engagement
A typical post picks up 23 interactions against 518K followers, an engagement rate of 0.004%. Measured over 11 original posts, its engagement rate beats 21% of 3,829 tracked accounts of a similar size. That is a reason to look at how the audience behaves - reply depth, saves, whether the followers are recent - rather than a conclusion about it on its own. Posts are seen about 9.1K times each, and 0.252% of those impressions turn into an interaction. That is about 1.76% of the follower count, which is the gap between an audience on paper and an audience in a timeline. Posting runs at about 1.5 posts a day over the last 30 days, though only 20% of days saw any activity at all. Most posts go out around 05:00 UTC, and Thursday is the busiest day of the week. Of the 11 posts sampled, 55% carry an image or video and 36% link out. The account's strongest tracked post pulled 981 interactions, about 43x its own typical post. Recurring topics include #nepal, #nepalfloods, #watch.
Measured over 11 original posts from a 30-day window, last computed on August 27, 2026. Recurring tags: #nepal, #nepalfloods, #watch.
Compared with accounts its own size
PrabhuChawla's engagement rate beats 21% of the tracked X accounts closest to it in follower count (3,829 accounts, accounts of similar size (decile 7 of 10)). A percentile is spread evenly by construction, so 50 really is the middle of that group and 90 really is its top tenth.
On engagement per impression rather than per follower it beats 20% of the same group. When those two numbers disagree, the gap is about how far its posts travel rather than how people react to them.
Where this sits in the catalog
At 0.004%, PrabhuChawla sits above the 10th percentile of the 37,071 accounts in this comparison. That places it in the bottom 25% band, which runs below 0.012%.
Show the percentile table
| Percentile | Engagement rate |
|---|---|
| 10th percentile | 0.002% |
| 25th percentile | 0.012% |
| 50th percentile | 0.08% |
| 75th percentile | 0.435% |
| 90th percentile | 2.10% |
| 99th percentile | 158.3% |
This ruler is the whole measured catalog, not a size-matched group: it shows where the raw rate falls across every account we can measure, all of which are large. For a like-for-like comparison, read the size-band percentile above instead. See how the bands are built
Posting timing
This account posts most often around 05:00 UTC, and Thursday is its busiest day of the week. The bars below are the catalog-wide pattern, with this account's own busiest slot marked. They do not show how this account performs at each hour: we keep one aggregate per account, not one per hour, so that measurement does not exist in our data.
Show engagement by hour posted, utc as a table
| Hour (UTC) | Vs author median | Posts |
|---|---|---|
| 00:00 UTC | -1% | 51K |
| 01:00 UTC | -2% | 52K |
| 02:00 UTC | -3% | 51K |
| 03:00 UTC | -4% | 54K |
| 04:00 UTC | -6% | 44K |
| 05:00 UTC | -4% | 42K |
| 06:00 UTC | -4% | 49K |
| 07:00 UTC | -5% | 53K |
| 08:00 UTC | -4% | 61K |
| 09:00 UTC | -3% | 71K |
| 10:00 UTC | -2% | 73K |
| 11:00 UTC | -3% | 80K |
| 12:00 UTC | -2% | 88K |
| 13:00 UTC | -2% | 96K |
| 14:00 UTC | -4% | 99K |
| 15:00 UTC | -2% | 103K |
| 16:00 UTC | -3% | 100K |
| 17:00 UTC | -2% | 92K |
| 18:00 UTC | -1% | 86K |
| 19:00 UTC | -2% | 81K |
| 20:00 UTC | -1% | 75K |
| 21:00 UTC | -1% | 67K |
| 22:00 UTC | -1% | 58K |
| 23:00 UTC | -1% | 52K |
Show engagement by day of week as a table
| Day | Vs author median | Posts |
|---|---|---|
| Sunday | +5% | 234K |
| Monday | 0% | 294K |
| Tuesday | -3% | 288K |
| Wednesday | -1% | 253K |
| Thursday | -2% | 247K |
| Friday | -3% | 256K |
| Saturday | +3% | 230K |
Best tweets
- Aug 26, 202643x their median
मोदी कैबिनेट में मोदी के अलावा छह पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री शामिल है।चार बीजेपी के मुख्यमंत्री रहे है और दो सहयोगी दलों के मुख्यमंत्री रहे हैं। राजनाथ सिंह,शिवराज सिंह चौहान,मनोहर लाल खट्टर,सर्वानंद सोनोवाल बीजेपी के मुख्यमंत्री रहे हैं और जीतनराम मांझी और एचडी कुमारस्वामी सहयोगी दलों के मुख्यमंत्री रहे हैं। मोदी कैबिनेट में बीजेपी के चार पूर्व राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष नितिन गडकरी,राजनाथ सिंह,अमित शाह और जगत प्रकाश नड्डा शामिल है। मोदी कैबिनेट में फेरबदल या विस्तार को लेकर दो ऐसे मंत्रियों के भविष्य को लेकर सबसे ज़्यादा चर्चा है, जिसमे से एक बीजेपी का मुख्यमंत्री के साथ राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष भी रहा है और अभी बीजेपी के पार्लियामेंट्री बोर्ड में भी है। दूसरे नेता जिसकी सबसे ज़्यादा चर्चा है वह नेता बीजेपी का राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष तो रहा है लेकिन कभी मुख्यमंत्री नहीं रहा और पार्लियामेंट्री बोर्ड में भी नहीं है। खबरों के केंद्र में यही दो नेता हैं।अपने भविष्य को लेकर सबसे ज्यादा चिंता इन्ही दो नेताओं को है।
- Aug 25, 202621x their median
Watch | भारतीय क्रिकेटर विराट कोहली और अभिनेत्री अनुष्का शर्मा को दिल्ली एयरपोर्ट पर एक साथ स्पॉट किया गया. #DelhiAirport #ViratKohli #AnushkaSharma #CasualLook #ABPNews https://t.co/NkoozSSS5W
- Aug 27, 20269.3x their median
Waterlogging in NDMC areas due to negligence will not be tolerated. During the NDMC meeting, strict directions were issued to take action against the concerned if waterlogging occurs again. https://t.co/dunbxobUKM
- Aug 26, 20261.5x their median
Massive mudslide in a Nepal village near China border . More than 500 missing. Most of them pilgrims . Tragic and devastating https://t.co/Bv59LL8szF
- Aug 25, 2026
Whom do we trust? Few self appointed insiders who get exclusive or scoops on hourly basis on @BJP or it’s well respected organisation General Secretary @blsanthosh ? Scoopwallas claim AKALI-BJP is about to be sealed. Santosh says the BJP will fight all the 117 seats.
- Aug 23, 2026
Politicians paid more for less work by Prabhu Chawla A mature democracy should not merely ask whether it can afford its politicians; it must periodically ask whether its politicians have earned the extortionate price of being afforded Aristotle believed that the strength of a republic ultimately rested on the character of those who governed it. Montesquieu warned that political power, left unchecked, had a natural tendency to expand beyond its kosher limits. And Edmund Burke, while defending the independence of elected representatives, reminded them that they owed their electors not merely their jobs but their judgement. Nearly two and a half centuries after Burke, India’s democracy has arrived at a rather different question: how much should the people have to pay for those who exercise power in their name? John Locke believed that the purpose of government was to preserve the rights of those who entrusted it with power, while Burke saw representative government as a solemn understanding between the elected and the elector. Neither imagined that democracy would one day acquire the institutional paraphernalia of a corporate establishment, with its own expanding hierarchy of salaries, allowances, vehicles, houses and privileges. Yet that is precisely the uncomfortable reality India is facing. When Tamil Nadu Chief Minister C Joseph Vijay announced that all 234 of the state’s MLAs would be provided government vehicles, Rs 75,000 a month for fuel, maintenance and driver expenses, and another Rs 25,000 for an assistant, he may have intended to strengthen the capacity of legislators to serve their constituents. It’s going to cost over Rs 200 crore for a full five-year term. With this, Vijay has inadvertently reopened a much larger debate about the price of representative government and, more importantly, about whether the growing cost of political office is acquiring the contours of transactional politics. There is a perfectly legitimate justification for providing lawmakers sufficient means to perform their responsibilities. An MLA is expected to travel through a constituency, attend public meetings, meet officials, inspect schemes and respond to thousands of individual grievances. Many of Tamil Nadu’s legislators are first-time representatives and may not possess the personal resources of established politicians. But somewhere between legitimate assistance and political largesse lies a line that democratic governments cross with increasing frequency. A facility meant to enable public service can easily become a perk which, once granted, has a remarkable tendency to become an entitlement. The citizen is meanwhile expected to accept that public expenditure must be restrained, subsidies must be rationalised and government departments must economise. The contrast is becoming increasingly difficult to defend. It’s not a Tamil Nadu phenomenon alone. Bihar provides another revealing example. The ruling political establishment in Bihar has been remarkably expansive. Just before the state elections, it sanctioned additional official accommodation and the construction of new residential facilities for legislators. Governments change, parties change and political rhetoric changes, yet once power is acquired, the political class appears to rediscover a common fraternity: better cars, better houses, better salaries and better facilities for those who occupy legislatures. The citizen is perpetually reminded of fiscal prudence and the legislator, rather more often, of what the public purse can provide. That is why the question cannot be reduced to whether MLAs or MPs are paid too much. They must be paid adequately. The real issue is whether the compensation attached to public office bears any relationship to the responsibilities discharged by those who receive it. The paradox is that the political class has become more expensive while the legislature itself has become less deliberative. State Assemblies have, on average, been meeting for only a fraction of the year, with several states recording extraordinarily low numbers of sitting days. Parliament has not been immune to the malaise. Sessions are increasingly punctuated by adjournments, protests, walkouts and partisan confrontation, leaving insufficient time for the sustained examination of legislation, expenditure and executive decisions. No one should imagine that the quality of democracy can be measured in terms of number of sittings alone. But when legislative time diminishes while political privileges expand, the citizen is entitled to ask whether the two trends can indefinitely coexist. According to unofficial estimates, the exchequer spends over Rs 2,000 crore annually on 4,200-odd MLAs and 788 members of Parliament. In addition, they are also given an amount varying from Rs 1 crore to Rs 5 crore to spend on amenities in their own constituencies. There isn’t any credible evidence whether such a massive discretionary expenditure by each of them has made our villages or small towns a better habitat than before. But there is an additional irony. The Indian voter is perhaps the most unforgiving auditor of political performance. Sitting legislators are routinely defeated, anti-incumbency remains one of the most powerful forces in Indian electoral politics. Yet the citizen has almost no effective mechanism during the five-year term to demand an account of how much public money is being spent on an elected representative and what measurable public service is being delivered in return. This does not mean that the answer is austerity for legislators. A poorly-paid politician can become more susceptible to corruption, patronage and private influence. The answer lies in establishing a more credible compact between privilege and performance. If legislators are provided vehicles, their use should be transparent and auditable. If they receive assistants, the expenditure should be accounted for. If constituency funds are placed at their disposal, every project should be traceable. If salaries and allowances are increased, there should at least be a parallel expectation of attendance, committee participation, legislative scrutiny and productive sitting days. They are leveraging their legal legislative power in their favour. Now, they are paid more for doing less work. The danger is not that India will be bankrupted by luxurious elected leaders. The danger is that political privilege will gradually become normalised across parties and states until nobody remembers to ask where necessity ends and indulgence begins. The language of public service can then become a convenient vocabulary for private comfort, while the taxpayer is left to finance an increasingly elaborate architecture of power. India must spend money on democracy. But democracy cannot be judged by how generously it treats those who govern. It must ultimately be judged by how responsibly those who govern treat the money, institutions and trust placed in their hands. A mature democracy should not merely ask whether it can afford its politicians; it must periodically ask whether its politicians have earned the extortionate price of being afforded. India’s democracy is staring at a rather contrastive question: does India need a paid or a performing democracy? https://t.co/mZcNvTMu2U
- Aug 24, 2026
राहुल गांधी vs स्मृति ईरानी - पहली बार आमने-सामने! मनुस्मृति, वंदे मातरम, नारी शक्ति वंदन अधिनियम और Gen Z के मुद्दे पर राहुल गांधी के वार का स्मृति ईरानी ने कैसे दिया जवाब? आपके हिसाब से इस सियासी टकराव में किसका पलटवार ज्यादा असरदार रहा? 👇 देखिए #PrabhuVaani में पूरा राजनीतिक विश्लेषण #RahulGandhi #SmritiIrani #VandeMataram #Manusmriti #IndianPolitics https://t.co/NW3f5d4YAc
- Aug 22, 2026
डकैती का शोर मचाया! लेकिन सवाल है—चंपत राय ने किसको फंसाया? राम मंदिर ट्रस्ट को लेकर उठे आरोपों के बीच विवाद और गहराता जा रहा है। आखिर इस पूरे मामले में किसे निशाना बनाया जा रहा है? क्या इसके पीछे सिर्फ आरोप-प्रत्यारोप हैं या कोई बड़ी सियासी कहानी? पूरी पृष्ठभूमि और राजनीतिक मायनों को समझिए Prabhuvaani के विस्तृत विश्लेषण में। #rammandir #ChampatRai #ayodhya #RamMandirTrust #prabhuvaani https://t.co/xPWpsiaDe5
- Aug 27, 2026
Nepal floods. Massive Immigration Building vanished in seconds. https://t.co/Jt3SYLyoJ7
- Aug 27, 2026
नेपाल में विनाशकारी बाढ़ से 270+ मौतें और सैकड़ों लोग अब भी लापता हैं। यह सिर्फ बाढ़ नहीं, बल्कि बदलते हिमालय और कमजोर आपदा-तैयारी की गंभीर चेतावनी है। सवाल है - नेपाल की त्रासदी से भारत क्या सीख सकता है? विस्तृत विश्लेषण के लिए Watch PrabhuVaani. #NepalFloods #Himalayas #ClimateChange #Floods #India https://t.co/fBakL0n5le
Ranked by total interactions across everything we have tracked for this account, which is a longer history than the 30-day window the rates above use. The multiple compares each post to this account's own median.
Recurring topics
The most frequent hashtags in the sampled posts. They describe what this account writes about; they are not a performance signal, and the catalog-wide breakdown on the hub shows how little hashtag count moves.
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Reading these numbers
A typical post picks up 23 interactions against 518K followers, an engagement rate of 0.004%. Measured over 11 original posts, its engagement rate beats 21% of 3,829 tracked accounts of a similar size. That is a reason to look at how the audience behaves - reply depth, saves, whether the followers are recent - rather than a conclusion about it on its own. Posts are seen about 9.1K times each, and 0.252% of those impressions turn into an interaction. That is about 1.76% of the follower count, which is the gap between an audience on paper and an audience in a timeline. Posting runs at about 1.5 posts a day over the last 30 days, though only 20% of days saw any activity at all. Most posts go out around 05:00 UTC, and Thursday is the busiest day of the week. Of the 11 posts sampled, 55% carry an image or video and 36% link out. The account's strongest tracked post pulled 981 interactions, about 43x its own typical post. Recurring topics include #nepal, #nepalfloods, #watch.
- What is PrabhuChawla's engagement rate on X?
- PrabhuChawla (@PrabhuChawla) has an engagement rate of 0.004%, based on the median interactions across 11 original posts from the last 30 days against 517,839 followers. Replies, reposts and quote-posts of other people are excluded from that sample.
- Is that a good engagement rate?
- At 0.004%, PrabhuChawla sits above the 10th percentile of the 37,071 accounts in this comparison. Those comparison accounts are all large ones, because our scanning cadence is weighted towards big accounts, so this is a ranking among peers of similar scale rather than a ranking across X.
- Does @PrabhuChawla have real engagement?
- Its engagement rate beats 21% of the tracked X accounts closest to it in follower count (3,829 accounts), which puts it in the bottom quarter for its size group. Ranking inside a size band matters because engagement rate falls as accounts grow, so a raw rate would mostly re-measure the follower count. It is a starting point for a look at follower quality, not a verdict on it.
- When does @PrabhuChawla post?
- Most posts go out around 05:00 UTC, and Thursday is its busiest day, at roughly 1.5 posts per day across the measured window.