David Ndii engagement report

Best tweets

• Oct 25, 202021x their median

  Public Announcement. I am not a revolutionary. I do not aspire to lead. I am not interested in public office. I engage in politics, public affairs out of self-interest, personal fulfilment, to advance my own freedom. If you see me as fighting for you its a coincidence. Thank You

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• Aug 4, 202613x their median

  Finsprint Limited, a private firm involved in the SHA payment system, has received Sh1.2 billion from processing hospital claims. The company deducts a 2% fee from every payment made to hospitals before the money is sent, a practice now facing a court challenge

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• Aug 8, 202611x their median

  Today, I challenge Rigathi Gachagua to seek an appointment with the Moderator of the PCEA Church and go to him accompanied by Rev. Dorcas Rigathi and lift the Bible infront of the cameras and say the following words: 1. I, Rigathi Gachagua, do solemnly swear, that I have not made a deal with President William Ruto 2. And that I, Rigathi Gachagua, will not make any deal with President William Ruto before 10th August 2027 3. And that I, Rigathi Gachagua, ask the Almighty God to strike me with thunder and lightning if anything I have sworn while holding this Holy Bible is untrue. So help me God Over to you my brother. I am waiting

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• Aug 22, 20267.1x their median

  1982 coup. https://t.co/lJ9woGsawv

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• Aug 12, 20266.6x their median

  The consumption of soda has gone up. People buy sodas when they have more in their pockets - John Mbadi https://t.co/GWc0drkKn2

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• Aug 21, 20264.9x their median

  Property rights and honest money built Singapore. That single fact explains everything the politicians won't. Look at the numbers today: Singapore's GDP per capita sits around $88,000. Malaysia's hovers near $14,000. Same region, same colonial inheritance, independence granted within years of each other. The divergence isn't accidental. Lee Kuan Yew made choices Malaysia's political class refused to make. He enforced contracts. He paid civil servants market wages to reduce corruption, rather than moralizing at them. He kept taxes low and tariffs lower. He told foreign capital: your property is safe here. Investors believed him because the courts backed it up. Malaysia went the other direction. The New Economic Policy (NEP), introduced in 1971, redistributed wealth along ethnic lines rather than generating it. Bumiputera quotas distorted business formation. Petronas revenues (billions of ringgit annually from nationalized oil) subsidized consumption rather than building institutional quality. When you tax productive activity to fund patronage, you get less production and more patronage. The math on that never changes. Singapore had no oil, no agricultural hinterland, no natural resource cushion. Scarcity forced discipline. Free market thinkers have long argued that resource abundance breeds political laziness, and Malaysia spent fifty years proving them right. Critics call Singapore authoritarian, and they're not entirely wrong on the civil liberties question. Authoritarianism alone doesn't produce prosperity. Zimbabwe was authoritarian. The variable that moved was economic freedom, not the political iron fist. What Lee built was closer to a rule-of-law commercial republic than anything else in Southeast Asia. You respect property, you enforce contracts, you keep the currency sound, and capital flows toward you. Malaysia is still learning that lesson.

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• Aug 23, 20263.6x their median

  M-PESA is indeed operating on very shaky ground. When true instant interbank transfers (1 second or less) and tap-and-go payments (phone to PDQ) properly land in Kenya, M-PESA is done. M-PESA wouldn’t cut it in Europe: too slow, outdated, and cumbersome. https://t.co/gn80yll9x7

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• Aug 8, 20263.4x their median

  The Malindi High Court judgment is not a call for constitutional panic. It is a serious declaration on electoral timelines and it must be read in its entirety, including the remedy the Court deliberately refused to grant. The Court held that Article 136(2)(a), an election on the second Tuesday of August “in every fifth year” means in the fifth year, not after it. On its computation under Article 259(5)(c), that date was 11 August 2026. The Court also rejected the view that Article 142 creates an express, guaranteed five-year presidential term. It held that the President’s term begins on swearing-in and ends when the next President, elected under Article 136(2)(a), is sworn in. But that is not the end of the matter. The Court did not order IEBC to conduct an election next week. It declined the mandatory order because it found an immediate poll logistically impossible and likely to produce national instability. More importantly, the Court suspended the declaration of invalidity until after the next general election, expressly so that IEBC may correct the defect. A suspended remedy is not an invitation to manufacture a vacuum in government. No part of the judgment removes the President from office, converts the presidency into a caretaker arrangement, or restricts any enumerated presidential power. Constitutional authority cannot be diminished by inference where the Court made no such order. Article 142 itself supplies continuity. The President remains in office until the next President is sworn in. The constitutional order does not collapse merely because a court identifies a contested interpretation of an election timeline. The Court was equally clear that declaratory relief clarifies the law. It does not, without more, compel a specific act or make disobedience contempt. That distinction matters. A declaration is not a mandatory order in disguise. The judgment raises profound questions on the relationship between fixed election dates, computation of constitutional time, the terms of Parliament and county governments, and the need for simultaneous elections. Those questions deserve calm, principled appellate resolution and not partisan improvisation. The rule of law requires fidelity to both the Court’s reasoning and its actual orders. We must reject two temptations. Treating the judgment as irrelevant, or overstating it as having already displaced the constitutional government. The enduring constitutional principle is simple. Elections cannot be left to political convenience neither can constitutional remedies be administered in a manner that creates avoidable disorder. The Constitution is not self-destructive but designed to secure both accountability and continuity. This judgment should prompt an urgent, sober and institutionally responsible legal response. But until varied, stayed or overturned, it remains a High Court interpretation subject to the remedies it granted, the limits it imposed and the appellate process provided by law.

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• Aug 22, 20262.8x their median

  John Lee Hooker 🎩🪄 Boom Boom Happy Heavenly Birthday to the one and only John Lee Hooker, born August 22nd, 1917 🎂🎂🎂 What a legend… that voice, that groove, that blues! 🎸🔥 #JohnLeeHooker https://t.co/4gHLWcB2E9

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• Aug 5, 20262.1x their median

  99% of Kenyans have never set foot in the country's only island national park. Hidden in Lake Victoria is an island where the grass turns red, hippos and crocodiles share the shoreline and an ancient migration story gave it the name 𝘕𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘦, Dholuo for "meeting place." Here is why it deserves far more attention. 🧵

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Ranked by total interactions across everything we have tracked for this account, which is a longer history than the 30-day window the rates above use. The multiple compares each post to this account's own median.

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