TENDAI BITI engagement report

Best tweets

• Jan 17, 20252.8x their median

  “Each generation must,out of relative obscurity,discover its mission,fulfill it or betray it” Frantz Fanon(1961).The central goal of our times has remained the quest to achieve transformation & democratic change in ZimbabweTo stop tyranny & authoritarian consolidation #No3term https://t.co/mU4pvQJVdP

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• Aug 1, 20263.0x their median

  The principal task and obligation of a State President is to defend , uphold ,obey and respect the Constitution . This is clearly spelt out in section 90(1) of the Constitution. The President is also obliged to promote unity and peace in the nation for the benefit and well being of all the people of Zimbabwe . This is spelt out in section 90(2)(a) of the Constitution. By signing into law , Constitution Anendement No 3 of 2026 on 7 July 2026 , the President falied to fulfill the constitutional obligation of protecting and upholding the Constitution. He committed an act of constitutional treason . He betrayed that Constitution. He betrayed the liberation struggle and its center of gravity , the sacred democratic principle of one person one vote . By pushing CAB 3 and its inherent structural unpopularity he has failed to maintain the peace and unity for the benefit of all required in the Constitution . He has chosen to serve a faction , a syndicate that is bend on permanently subverting Zimbabwe s values ethos and existence . A faction and syndicate that is a national threat . An existential threat to the vital interests of the Republic . Unconstitutional Acts by the State lead to the citizen withdrawing its voluntary consent to be governed . Without the voluntary consent of the Citizen it is not possible to govern . Yes one can pretend to govern . Pretend to read out budgets , inspect guards of honor , go to the UN or deploy troops . It is but a charade . Sooner or later , the chickens always come home to roost and legitmacy is restored . A new social contract is crafted . The treasonous regime committed a UDI on 7 July 2026. It now must undo its mess and restore the 2013 Constitution. This is our basic peaceful constitutional demand. Tatenda . Siyabonga . Zikomo Zikomo .

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• Aug 27, 20262.4x their median

  DAY 16: Mnangagwa has not yet visited to console the families of the ~100 pple who died in Kariba. RIDA Director Christopher Shumba has not yet been held accountable for those deaths. Mnangagwa has not yet apologized or resigned since Shumba reports directly to him.

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• Sep 29, 20262.3x their median

  Those who are still waiting for elections, will soon find out what’s up. When we told you that these guys were not stopping, you said ndezve ~ ZANUPF 🤷🏽‍♀️🤷🏽‍♀️ Now they are chanting “ 2040 ndeya Emasoni” … 📍 https://t.co/kJyCYyK6FW

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• Sep 17, 20261.7x their median

  The regime and its odious crew of unpalatable cymbals is readying itself for CAB 4 and the creation of a Munhumutapa Empire. This repulsive idea marks the highest expression of the moral vacuousness of the so called Second Republic. It embodies its naked uncultured insatiable desire for power and loot. It justifies Fanon s contempt in the Pitfalls of National Consciousness. It signifies the death of ZANU PF, the death of common sense and the death of the Republic. The biggest fight now on our hands is defence of the Republic. Nothing more. Nothing less. #DefendTheRepublic #RestoreTheConstitution #ZviganandaMiswai https://t.co/aEFOKLFzpf

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• Sep 10, 2026

  In a country where 80 % of economy is informalised & 4 out 5 jobs are informal ,regime s decision to attack vendors & traders is cruel degrading &barbaric .Regime has failed to create jobs &transform teconomy &should not punish victims .Daniel Garwe is an absolute embarrassment https://t.co/Y3IiTOYE18

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• Aug 28, 2026

  The World Bank has delisted Zimbabwe from its severe fragility ratings - fragile and conflict-affected economies - with effect from July 1. The decision officially removes the country from what was formerly known as the Fragile and Conflict-Affected Situations list, which has been updated under the bank's revised Fragility, Conflict, and Violence classification framework. The World Bank says a significant economic rebound, with Zimbabwe recording a growth rate of 7.5% in 2025, positioning it among the fastest-growing economies in Sub-Saharan Africa is one of the reasons behind its decision. The country has experienced improved foreign currency receipts, a reduction in extreme hyperinflation, and relatively stable currency conditions. Improvements in the World Bank's Country Policy and Institutional Assessment score also pulled Zimbabwe out of the "higher institutional and social fragility" category. Global investment entities, including Citigroup, supported the positive outlook, noting Zimbabwe's turnaround is moving faster than general market perceptions suggest. This reclassification is expected to significantly boost Zimbabwe's international credit rating and sovereign standing, making it more attractive for foreign direct investment and improving relations with international financial institutions as it pursues its Vision 2030 upper-middle-income goals.

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• Oct 12, 2026

  SABHUKU'S EYE: THE ANATOMY OF AN INSTITUTIONAL COUP Within the architecture of liberation movements turned ruling parties, Constitutions are never mere administrative instruments; they are the scaffolding of power itself. What appears as a dry exercise in legal alignment can often conceal a far more consequential struggle over who commands the State, and who commands the Party that commands the State. The draft proposals for the amendment of the ZANU PF Constitution, by the Party's Secretary for Legal Affairs, must be read in this light. On its face, the document purports to align the Party's supreme law with the Constitution of Zimbabwe Act No. 6 of 2026. In substance, however, it introduced a doctrinal rupture that strikes at the very heart of ZANU PF's political tradition since 1963: the indivisibility of the Party Presidency and the State Presidency. For decades, the principle has been axiomatic: the President and First Secretary of ZANU PF is, ipso facto, the Party's sole candidate for national presidential elections. The draft now seeks to sever that umbilical cord. Legal Skullduggerry The ZANU-PF Constitution has ALWAYS said the person elected as Party President at Congress automatically becomes the Party's sole candidate for the State Presidential election. What the draft proposes in 2.1 (a): is that "an elected President may not automatically become the State Presidential Candidate; (b) If the Party President is not a Candidate for State elections, the Provincial Coordinating Committees sitting as Electoral Colleges shall nominate a State Presidential Candidate endorsed by Central Committee. That is a constitutional coup. It separates the two offices and for the first time in ZANU-PF history, you can be President of the Party but NOT President of Zimbabwe. And you can be President of Zimbabwe without being President of the Party. That creates a centre of power ABOVE the State President. Combined with Section 3.1 (Supremacy of the Party), it says: The Party is the principal authority over Government. The President, VPs, Ministers, MPs must obey party ideology/resolutions. (c) "Any of those office-bearers who acts contrary to Party policy is subject to the Party's Disciplinary Procedures." The explicit translation of that is: A sitting State President can now be disciplined, recalled, or fired by the Party President and Central Committee. Even more corrosive, as Secretary for Legal Affairs, he tabled this without the knowledge or approval of the First Secretary (President Mnangagwa) and Secretary General Mudenda. - Secondly it directly contradicts Act No. 6 of 2026 which was meant to align the Party Constitution to extend terms to 2030. The draft does the opposite as it creates a legal mechanism to remove ED as State President while remaining Party President, or to have someone else nominated as State President even if ED is still Party President. This is treasonous because it gives the Party, controlled by a few PCCs, the power to recall a sitting President elected by Parliament under the new Constitution. SECTION 7 - The Administration Directorate and Director General This is another power grab. Part of it reads "It is proposed to establish an Administration Directorate as part of the principal organs of the Party... operates under the direction of the Secretary General; headed by a Director-General..." The Problems are immediately clear. The move (a) elevates a bureaucracy to a Principal Organ. As it is, Principal Organs are Politburo, Central Committee, Congress. Now a secretariat of employees also becomes equal to them. Secondly, it transfers Party power from the President to the Secretary General. Under the current Constitution party administration is under the President who is also the First Secretary. However, under this proposal - 7.1(a) - operates under SG - 7.2(b) - DG chairs recruitment of all staff, except Directors who are recruited by a Committee headed by the SG - 7.2(a) - DG provides secretariat to ALL Principal Organs - meaning he controls agendas, minutes, records, information flow. The SG becomes the de facto Executive Prime Minister of the Party, while the President is reduced to a ceremonial figure who only gets a casting vote. c) It also creates a Deep State. The DG is not elected at Congress but is an employee appointed by the SG. Yet he will supervise all Department Directors. This is how you build a permanent factional machine that survives Congresses. Thus the proposed changes in Section 6 gives the President a fake crown, while Section 7 takes away the real power, control of the Party machine and gives it to the Secretary General. Conclusion To be fair, every ruling party that makes a major national constitutional amendment must realign its own charter. Act No. 6 of 2026, by introducing a parliamentary mode of electing a State President, necessarily forces ZANU PF to clarify the relationship between its internal electoral processes and the new national process. In that narrow sense, a draft was needed. However, the question is never whether to align, but how to align. A faithful alignment would have reinforced the axiomatic principle: that under the new parliamentary system, the President and First Secretary elected at Congress shall be the Party's sole nominee to be elected as State President by Parliament. It would have closed loopholes. Instead, the draft opens them. It introduces conditionality where there was certainty. The Constitution should unify command, clarify accountability, and prevent the emergence of competing sovereignties. This draft does the opposite. By severing the Party Presidency from the State candidacy, by asserting that a State President can be subjected to party disciplinary procedures, and by re-engineering the administrative levers of the Party to operate under the Secretary General and an unelected Director-General, it does not align the Party to the State Constitution. It aligns the State to a new Party oligarchy. It creates, for the first time since 1963, the legal architecture for two centres of power: a Party President who controls the Party and can discipline the Government, and a State President who governs at the pleasure of Provincial Electoral Colleges. History teaches that where Party and State are made to compete, the Party bureaucracy always wins. If the aborting of the Politburo was to prevent this draft from being railroaded, then it was an act of institutional self-preservation. The task now is not to personalize the debate around Hon. Ziyambi, but to return to first principles. Any amendment must restore the indivisibility of the two Presidencies, reaffirm that the Party's supremacy is exercised through its President and First Secretary, not against him, and ensure that administration remains a service to elected leadership, not a principal organ above it.

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• Sep 8, 2026

  One of the biggest achievements of the 2013 National Constitution was the adoption of the fundamental principle of devolution and decentralization as a central pillar of that constitution. For decades Zimbabwe , like most dominated social formations had enjoyed the legacy of a dual enclave of economy characterized by uneven and unequal development . The dual enclave economy was a colonial creation in respect of which a relatively developed urban white enclave existed alongside a huge black abyss of underdevelopment and subjugation . The post independent State failed to decimate the dual enclave . It in fact deepened and consolidated the divide and inequality . Political instability, tribalism , capture and corruption became the key drivers of post colonial disequilibrium. In the case of Zimbabwe the break up of the Patriotic Front into the splintered status quo of ZANU and ZAPU spelt a danger to any region or area perceived to be ZAPU supporting . Gukurahundi was physical genocide in respect of which the ZANU North descended on the South perceived to be ZAPU and unleashed barbaric pain and death which the country will never recover from. But Gukurahundi became a systematic tool of underdevelopment and de industrialization . Before Gukurahundi Bulawayo for instance was the industrial capital of Zimbabwe, housing some of the country prized manufacturing power base . Thanks to ZANU and economic Gukurahundi, that industrial base was wiped out . The net result was the creation of a region and citizens that is reified isolated and excluded. Zimbabweans that have been made to feel like fourth class citizens . But the isolation and exclusion is a national polity that runs across the length and breadth of Zimbabwe . Bar scattered pockets rural Zimbabwe remains an undeveloped isolated enclave trapped by poverty desolation fragmentation and fragility . The narrative of fatalism is entrenched , from Dotito to Chiyendambuya, from Chiwara to Nembudziya, from Gweluchena to Filabusi . To the depraved population Devolution was an instrument of fighting back against the toxic hagemony of control imposed by decades of ZANU PF misrule . Devolution was easly the most popular most universal constitutional theme during the 2009-2013 people driven constitution making process . The new constitution in Chapter 14 set Devolution Structures in the form of 8 Provincial Councils and the metropolitan provinces of Harare and Bulawayo . The 2013 Constitution allowed all MPs Senators and Councillors from a particular province to be remembers of that Provincial Council . There were to be ten additional Members elected indirectly through the proportional performance of political parties in the parliamentary election in that province . Provincial Councils were to be responsible solely for the Development Agenda and trajectory in that Province . That Development Agenda was to be financed by 5 % of the Budget , which amount had to be distributed equitably amongst the Provinces through a formula defined in an Act of Parliament . Sixteen years after the passage of the 2013 Constitution the ZANU Government has deliberately failed to enact the necessary laws to actualise Devolution as demanded by Chapter 14 and 17 of the Constitution. Consequently no Provincial Councils have ever been established . No Devolution Provincial Government has ever been set up as set out in Chapter 14 of the Constitution. The ZANU PF government under Mugabe and Mnangagwa have killed devolution by cynical non implementation . ZANU was never interested in Devolution. It vehemently resisted the same during the 2010-13 Constitution making process .On 18 February 2013 MDC negotiators walked out of the Constitution making dialogue after ZANU had begun reneging on Devolution. It took the intervention of Mugabe and Tsvangirai to reinstate Devolution and the dialogue .

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• Oct 5, 2026

  The Constitution Defenders Forum strongly condemns the arrest and detention of our National Youth Leader, @Che_Guevara_ZW. We demand his immediate and unconditional release, this arrest is an attack on the constitutional freedoms of citizens. We stand firmly with Narshon and remain unwavering in our commitment to constitutionalism, democracy and fundamental freedoms. #FreeNarshon #RestoreConstitutionalism

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